SUBHEAD: The question is not 
if, but 
when a collapse of the oil supply (of some  kind) takes place.
Image above: Fuel rationing induced riot in Tehran, Iran, in June 2007.
From (http://payvand.com/news/07/jun/1263.html)
By Daniel Pargman on 17 February 2010 in Life after oil - 
(http://life-after-oil.blogspot.com/2010/02/plan-by-black-2008.html)
Author 
Edwin Black's niche is to (assisted by  dozens of volunteers) sieve through libraries and archives and write extremely  well-researched books. He usually spends a couple of years doing research before  he cranks out a new book, but he made an exception for the sleek, no more than  130 pages long 
"The  Plan: How to rescue society when the oil stops - or the day before"  (2008).
A little more than a year ago, I wrote [
in  Swedish - not yet translated to English] about his first oil-related book,  
"Internal Combustion: How  corporations and governments addicted the world to oil and derailed the  alternatives" (2006). Here I review the 2008 "sequel.
The book's  starting point is America's (in)ability to cope with an 
acute fuel crisis. It does thus not start off  with the “ordinary” 
Peak Oil scenario based on a relatively slow decline in global production but  rather takes as its starting point a rather sudden change for the worse.
"Oil will ’peak‘ [...] the very hour a person cannot pump a gallon of gas or  buy bread on an unstocked supermarket shelf because someone thousands of miles  away has cut the lines of supply".
Although the book does not  primarily deal with what exactly caused this sudden decline, it starts by giving  an overview of how dependent and vulnerable the U.S. is if the daily supply of  oil from neighboring and more distant countries would suddenly decline (the  three largest exporters of oil to the United States are Canada, Mexico and Saudi  Arabia).
When it comes to Saudi Arabia, Black points out that the oil  from the world's largest oil field, Ghawar, must pass through three vulnerable  choke points on its journey to the U.S. and other export markets.
At 
Abqaiq, two thirds of Saudi Arabia's oil is  processed and prepared for shipment by tankers before the oil is sent to the  port of 
Ras Tanura. Subsequently, all  oil tankers have to travel through the 50 kilometers narrow 
Strait of Hormuz in order to reach the oceans.  Of all the oil in the world that is transported by sea, approximately 40% has to  traverse the narrow Strait of Hormuz, and Black calls these three choke points  "
the solar plexus of the planet." If any  of these three sites were to be knocked out, the world would immediately go down  for the count.
In 2006, an attack by al-Qaeda against Abqaiq was averted, and  Iran has threatened to block the Strait of Hormuz if the country is invaded by  the United States or Israel. For Black, the question is not 
if, but 
when a collapse of the oil supply (of some  kind) takes place.
What then constitutes an acute oil crisis? At a 5%  decrease in the oil volumes that are accessible to the Western world, the U.S.  President may give permission to release oil from 
the strategic  oil reserve. A decrease of 7% would trigger an 
"international crisis under emergency  treaties", and a decrease of 10% would be a disaster which, according to  an energy expert, would be 
"so off the chart  that we cannot even model it". That does not sound very reassuring, does  it? 
“The Plan” is Black's answer to what the U.S. needs to do to cope with a  prolonged (more than 30 days long) reduction in the availability of oil by  5-10%.
After stating that some (few) Western countries have plans for how  to handle such a situation, Black makes a point of the fact that the United  States 
Does Not Have a Plan - beyond  letting the (marvelous, magical, miraculous) market handle such a  never-occurred-before situation. To Black, his own book 
is right now the plan - the manual - for how  to face such a crisis. In fact, the book is partly written as a manual, and  therefore in places tends to become a rather dry read.
The book's longest  chapter is structured in the form of 18 
regulations, and each  regulation is followed by a discussion of the necessity and consequences of the  regulation in question. Some of the regulations are quite formally written -  ready to be immediately implemented in a real crisis:
"Regulation 15:  Marine Restrictions on yachts, speed boats and non-commercial pleasure  craft. Within one week of an oil supply emergency declaration, all  non-commercial marine craft, including but not limited to private yachts, speed  boats, recreational vessels and personal watercraft, shall be unable to refuel  in the Continental United States, except in an emergency, until retrofitted to  accept alternative fuel or propulsion system."
These 18  regulations govern everything from prices and rules about the sales of refined  petroleum products, to how to deal with the strategic oil reserve, carpooling,  speed limits (55 mph or 90 km/h, except "
in the  countryside"), idling, public transportation (very cheap or free),  trailers, the black market and so on. Petrol price are set to a predetermined  level that does not price the poor out of the market - since everyone must have  the chance to get to a hospital or to work (for example as a cleaner in a  hospital). The 
price of petrol will thus  remain "reasonable", but the 
amount you  will be able to buy will be rationed.
One of the regulations states that  a car’s fuel economy will determine how often the car may be driven; if a car  cannot be driven at least 15 miles per gallon (mpg) - 6.3 kilometers per liter  of gasoline – it may not be driven at all before it has been  rebuilt/retrofitted. Cars with a fuel economy of up to 25 mpg may be driven one  day per week, up to 35 mpg may be driven every second day, and for cars that  have a fuel economy of 36 mpg or better (15 kilometers/liter) there will be no  restrictions.
All these regulations are short term measures which are to  be implemented during the very first week. Eventually, all cars and other  vehicles must be rebuilt so that they may be driven on fuel other than petrol.  Regarding alternative fuels Black is agnostic – he thinks that people should use  whatever works best in different parts of the United States and lists the  available options: hydrogen, ammonia, alcohol (e.g. ethanol), biofuels,  compressed natural gas (CNG) or electricity.
Unfortunately, in the U.S. today it  is very difficult to get around the rules and "upgrade" a car to drink other  beverages than gasoline, so the starting position for the future growth industry  if retrofitting cars is poor. The rigid rules of the Environmental Protection  Agency (
EPA) have prevented the  commercialization of alternatives to gasoline, thus nurturing a small (illegal)  underground culture where people upgrade their cars at their own risk and using  equipment from abroad.
Who is to blame for the vulnerable situation that  the United States and the rest of the Western world now finds itself in? Black  identifies four main culprits:
- OPEC bears some responsibility but gets  off lightly; it was the West who invaded their territories after the First World  War and created vassal states which supplied cheap oil, and, it was also the  West who voluntarily made themselves dependent on OPEC’s oil.
- The  second scapegoat is the public and their (spineless) representatives among  politicians.
- Oil companies (Big Oil) are according to Black more  blameworthy than OPEC and the general public. They have enriched themselves  while they have made society more dependent on oil, and have at the same time  delayed and discouraged all possible alternatives. In the second quarter of  2008, America's largest oil company, Exxon Mobil, made an astronomical profit of  11 680 million dollars. If you remove all oil companies from the list of  America's 500 largest companies (
Fortune  500), Exxon earned more money than 
all the  other companies combined during that period.
- Black though  reserves the greatest blame for Detroit and the American car companies. Already  in the childhood of the automobile, the nascent automotive industry sabotaged  and manipulated the alternative, better solution - the electric car. From a long  history of "subversive activities", Detroit becomes the main scapegoat for its  recent 35 year long campaign of obstruction and foolish decisions. The  automotive industry has repeatedly made the wrong turn ever since the first oil  crisis in 1973 made it clear that the U.S. was vulnerable due to its dependence  on oil. Despite this obvious vulnerability, Detroit has since then built, sold  and exported many millions of gas-thirsty cars which have exacerbated and  already-bad situation. Actor Alex Baldwin (no kidding) 
reflects  on Detroit's burden of debt:
"The  heads of [US automakers]  did not spend the last thirty years lying in bed each night, sleepless. They did  not turn their spouses in the wee hours and say, "How do I serve the automotive  needs of the American public and better protect their health and safety AND help  them conserve energy?" [...] Instead, they spent billions of dollars attempting to  bribe the Congress to avoid putting in seat belts and air bags, installing  catalytic converters and reaching more ambitious fuel efficiency standards. For  the most part, they succeeded."
Based on all of this, Black  concludes in his 18th and final regulation that the oil and automotive  industries must absolutely not be involved in any discussions about how to solve  the oil crisis:
”Iowa corn producers,  Detroit carmakers, oil companies and other forces of petroaddiction must be kept  out of the fix. They will destroy it, dilute it, distract it, dismantle it, or  divert it. […] if lobbyists  are not excluded from the rescue plan, then any plan will be  doomed.”
Right now, two out of the three major American car  companies are down for the count (General Motors and Chrysler). In a way, they have  thus been "punished" for their sins. But from another perspective, they have  instead been absolved and have left their sins behind them, because it is no  longer possible to claim compensation from them - and especially so if the  compensation should be proportional to the harm these companies more or less  deliberately have inflicted upon society.
In some ways Black may come  across as extreme. His answer would be that a major threat must be countered  with measures that (to some) may seem extreme (today). In other ways, however,  he is moderate in his approaches and assumptions. Something I find to be a  weakness is that he never criticizes or even reflects upon fundamental  assumptions about 
the  American way of life based on cars and long distance transportation, despite  the fact that he clearly makes an effort to think about the ‘real’ price of  gasoline:
”The true price of every  gallon of gasoline, adding in expenditures for tax subsidies and government  programs, harm to our health as a result of toxic emissions, environmental  damage and military operations to protect the supply, is almost impossible to  reliably calculate […] But  some of the most quoted and informed studies conclude the true cost of oil to be  more than $15 per gallon”
The claim that oil and gasoline actually  cost much more than what you pay at the petrol pump is in line with the contents  of a report ("
Powering  America's Defense: Energy and the Risks to National Security") from 
the military think tank CNA. The report, written  by CNA's military advisory board (consisting of 12 retired generals and  admirals) states that the real cost of providing U.S. military with fuel is  between 15 and hundreds of dollars per gallon (!), depending on the need for  security and logistics to ensure that the fuel is in the right place at the  right time. These prices for example include costs to protect maritime  transports and to station troops and maintain numerous military bases  abroad.
A concrete example is a specific study from Iraq, where only 10%  of the fuel for ground troops is used by tanks and other vehicles that "
deliver lethal force". The remaining 90% is  used by 
armored vehicles,  trucks and helicopters that deliver and protect fuel and troops. Another example  is the estimated cost of $42/gallon for aerial refueling of fighters. Of course,  these calculations do not include "softer" aspects such as pollution of the  environment or poor health among military and other personnel mentioned by Black  above.
When the gasoline price skyrocketed in 2008 and many Americans  were brought to their knees, the price of a gallon of gasoline in the U.S.  reached unheard-of levels of $4 per gallon. This price is not at all high from a  Swedish perspective where we have to go back to 
the end of the 1980's to find  such "bargain" prices! But, a $4 per gallon price tag on gas in the U.S. is two  to three times as much as the price during the period 1990-2004. Today, in the  midst of a raging recession, the price of gasoline is slightly higher than $2.50  per gallon, and already that price is too much for many (un- or underemployed)  Americans.
Although The Plan is a crisis plan, Black would prefer for it  to be implemented already before a major crisis arises. A nice thought, but  don't hold your breath waiting for it to happen – the ideas are far too rational  to be taken seriously.
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