Myth of the Efficient Car

SUBHEAD: Our car-centered civilization is going to hit the wall.
By Alec Dubro on 2 February 2009 in The Progressive
Let’s get something straight about green industry: in its basic form it means we all have to buy new stuff … lots of it. As an industrial policy that will create jobs and increase spending, it’s pretty sound. As an environmental policy, it’s largely a fraud.
Nowhere is it more disingenuous than the pursuit of the fuel-efficient car. In their effort to stave off collapse of their industry, auto executives have continually cited their efforts are building the high-efficiency cars of the future. The problem is, there are no cars of the future, and the looming catastrophe of global pollution, including climate change, will never be solved by building more cars – efficient or otherwise.
image above: GM's Chevy Volt in an earlier configuration http://www.thelightisgreen.com/2007/09/electric-car--2.html
We’d desperately like to believe that there is a way to preserve our car-centered civilization, while simultaneously placating the gods of atmospheric warming. Even the president-elect believes it, and Obama made fuel-efficient cars a central part of his energy policy. He promised a $7,000 tax credit to hybrid car buyers, aiming for a million plug-in hybrids, getting 150 mpg, by 2015. He wants to put an additional million completely plug-in vehicles by the same year. And he’s willing to federal funds up for research, or at least he was before we lost all our money.
Even on its face, this seems like a tepid response to climate change. At the moment there are upward of 250,000,000 registered vehicles in the United States – more than there are licensed drivers. Converting one percent or so of them to greater fuel efficiency is not likely to do very much in the time needed to act. Nevertheless, the hope is that introduction of a new generation of electric and semi-electric will eventually lead to a replacement of our entire fleet of gas-guzzlers. Maybe. But the bigger problem is that increasing fuel efficiency has never led to an overall reduction in pollutants. In fact, efficiency has always led to more production and consumption.
But there’s an even more profound problem with building more efficient cars. In 1865, English economist William Stanley Jevons discovered an efficiency paradox: the more efficient you make machines, the more energy they use. Why? Because the more efficient they are, the better they are, the cheaper they are and more people buy them, and the more they’ll use them. Now, that’s good for manufacturers and maybe good for consumers, but if the problem is energy consumption or pollution, it’s not good.
The so-called Jevons Paradox was resurrected in the 1980s by a variety of environmentalists and is occasionally referred to as the Khazoom-Brookes postulate or the more explicative rebound effect. It's been neatly summarized as, “those energy efficiency improvements that, on the broadest considerations, are economically justified at the microlevel lead to higher levels of energy consumption at the macro level.” Or, in short, you make money on each transaction and lose it in volume.
The rebound effect is not an immutable scientific law, but it’s a widely observed phenomenon and has held true in the most energy-intensive consumer activities. The most commonly cited example is in lighting. As the Encyclopedia of Earth puts it, “For instance, if a 18W compact fluorescent bulb replaces a 75W incandescent bulb, the energy saving should be 76%. However, it seldom is. Consumers, realizing that the lighting now costs less per hour to run, are often less concerned with switching it off; in fact, they may intentionally leave it on all night.” I know I have at times.
The same effect has occurred with cars. Automobiles have become more efficient over the years. Led by the Japanese, carmakers have increased the fuel to weight ration, decreased damaging vibration and vastly increased reliability. In the 1950s, a car that lived to drive 100,000 miles was a rarity; today they routinely last 150,000. The result? Increasing fuel consumption. And not just because more people in the developing world are buying cars, either. People everywhere are buying more of the better, cheaper more efficient cars and – here’s the problem – driving them more. And that was even so when gas peaked there at $8 a gallon in Europe.
The real problem is, though, cars don’t move people, cars move cars. The average car or light truck is two tons or so: 4000-plus pounds to move 200 pounds of people. OK, everybody out of the SUVs and F-150s and into a nice, green Prius. However, the curb weight of an unladen Prius is 2765 pounds, which means a ton and a half around to get you and a bag of groceries home. Not good.
Environmentalists like Amory Lovins of the Rocky Mountain Institute and green business advocate Paul Hawken have generated a lot of press with a proposed 100 mpg lightweight, plastic composite called the hypercar. But all the drawings of the hypercar very much resemble…a car. Tires, windows, bodywork, engine and drive train. Even if everything is paper-thin – something the public won’t easily warm to –you’re still driving five times body weight around.
Even if we were able to produce a 100 mpg, zero pollution vehicle, we’d still need to maintain the infrastructure of roads, bridges, and energy distribution. That means steel, concrete, asphalt and plastics. Just concrete production alone generates as much as 10 percent of all greenhouse gas. In 2007, the U.S. produced 95 million tons of cement by burning fossil fuels and, according to the EPA, is the third largest source of greenhouse gas pollution in the U.S. (Scientific America, August 7, 2008) The production of asphalt – a petroleum product – also creates carbon. As does the production of motor oil, tires, and on and on.
And there’s another intractable problem: the very thing that makes tires so useful – comfort, stability, adhesion – also produces immense rolling friction. In order for us to makes cars that are maneuverable and relatively safe, they have to grip the road, which takes buckets of energy to overcome. One reason trains are able to transport people using far less energy per passenger mile is that there are fewer wheels per person and steel wheels have much less rolling friction.
Without divine intervention – which seems to be the basis for most energy reduction schemes – there is simply no way to maintain both the atmosphere and personal transportation. Even if the population were frozen at its present level, even if economic growth stopped the sheer number of people wanting – and under the present regime, need – personal transportation makes any plan to reduce car pollution by increasing efficiency is futile. The personal automobile must be abandoned, and quickly.
It would be better to do this in a measured and humane way, easing both automobile workers and users into a post-car world. It needs a societal consensus, requiring major shifts of goals and expectations, and few of us will take these steps on our own. But this change will eventually happen to us whether we like it or not, perhaps in time to stave off climactic disaster.
There are already attempts at designing a post-car future. City planners have been pushing the “20-minute neighborhood,” where home, work, shopping and recreation are all within a 20 minute walk. Places like Portland, Oregon, are encouraging this kind of development with planning codes and tax breaks. These more compact, walkable neighborhoods would seem to point us in the right direction, but so far they’re extremely limited. Most people prefer car culture. And that includes Europe, and certainly Asia, as well. Unless the various governments enact explicit and enforceable sprawl restrictions, growth will trump any specific increases in efficiencies.
The one step we ought to take right now is to withdraw our support – financial, political and emotional – from the pursuit of an energy-efficient car. We'd have better luck creating a perpetual motion machine.

Marijuana trial ends in smiles

SOURCE: Shannon Rudolph shannonkona@gmail.com
SUBHEAD: The jury nullified the law creating a criminal offense.


By Steve Elliott on 30 January 2009 in Reality Catcher - 
(http://realitycatcher-alapoet.blogspot.com/2009/01/maybe-this-is-how-war-on-marijuana-ends.html)

Image above: Marijuana money from the Bank of Ganja. From (http://deathby1000papercuts.blogspot.com).

 
A rural Illinois jury has found one of their peers innocent in a marijuana case that would have sent him to prison. Loren Swift was charged with possession of marijuana with intent to deliver, and he faced a mandatory minimum of six years behind bars. According to Dan Churney at MyWebTimes, several jurors were seen shaking Swift's hand after the verdict, a couple of them were talking and laughing with Swift and his lawyer, and one juror slapped Swift on the back. 
 
The 59-year-old was arrested after officers from a state "drug task force" found 25 pounds of pot and 50 pounds of growing plants in his home in 2007. The Vietnam veteran walks with a cane, has bad knees and feet and says he uses marijuana to relieve body pain, as well as to help cope with post traumatic stress. This jury exercised their right of jury nullification

Judges and prosecutors never tell you this, but when you serve on a jury, it's not just the defendant on trial. It's the law as well. If you don't like the law and think applying it in this particular case would be unjust, then you don't have to find the defendant guilty, even if the evidence clearly indicates guilt. 

 In jury nullification, a jury in a criminal case effectively nullifies a law by acquitting a defendant regardless of the weight of evidence against him or her. There is intense pressure within the legal system to keep this power under wraps. But the fact of the matter is that when laws are deemed unjust, there is the right of the jury not to convict. Jury nullification is crucially important because until our national politicians show some backbone on the issue of marijuana law reform, it's one of the only ways to avoid imposing hideously cruel "mandatory minimum" penalties on marijuana users who don't deserve to go to prison. 

Prosecuting and jailing people for marijuana wastes valuable resources, including court and police time and tax dollars. Hundreds of thousands of otherwise productive, law-abiding people have been deprived of their freedom, their families, their homes and their jobs. Let's save the jails for real criminals, not pot smokers. 

 The American public is very near the tipping point where a majority no longer believes the official line coming from Drug Warrior politicians and their friends at the ONDCP, gung-ho narcotics officers protecting their profitable turf, and sensationalistic, scare-mongering news stories used to boost ratings. 

They are starting to see through the widening cracks in the wall of denial when it comes to marijuana's salutary medical effects on a host of illnesses and its palliative effects for the terminally ill and permanently disabled. 

People are coming to realize that not only have they been sold a lie when it comes to marijuana--they've been sold a particularly cruel lie, a self-perpetuating falsehood of epic proportions that has controlled U.S. public policy towards the weed for 70 years now. 

The extreme cruelty of the lies told about marijuana by drug warriors is in the effects this culture of fear and intolerance has in the real world--effects like long prison sentences for gentle people who are productive and caring members of society. 

Because citizens are coming to this long-delayed realization, we are going to be seeing more and more cases like this where juries have chosen not to punish people for pot. As this consciousness permeates all levels of society, it is going to get harder and harder for prosecutors to get guilty verdicts in marijuana cases--and that's a good thing. Maybe this is how the war on marijuana ends... Not with a bang, but a whimper.

 .

Photographing police illegal?

SUBHEAD: The United Kingdom leads new ways in Big Brother use of police.
SOURCE: Shannon Rudolph shannonkona@gmail.com
By Paul Joseph Watson on 28 January 2009 in PrisonPlanet.com New laws set to be passed in England and Canada would make it illegal to use bad language or take photographs of police officers, moving us further away from the idea of police as public servants and more towards the notion of cops assuming God-like status. According to the British Journal of Photography, the Counter-Terrorism Act 2008, which is set to become law on February 16, "allows for the arrest and imprisonment of anyone who takes pictures of officers 'likely to be useful to a person committing or preparing an act of terrorism'." The punishment for this offense is imprisonment for up to ten years and a fine.
image above: Kauai Police protecting Superferry om 8/19/07. Photo by Juan Wilson
Note: The KPD does not like being photographed while in action. However, even before the passage of the legislation, police in Britain have already been harassing and arresting fully accredited press photographers merely for taking pictures of them at rallies and protests. Besides the 4.2 million CCTV cameras in Britain, one for every fourteen people, Police are now equipped with mobile surveillance vans and head mounted cameras and they routinely videotape everyone at a protest, yet anyone attempting to record them has been met with increasing hostility. Justin Tallis, a London-based photographer, was taking pictures of the anti-BBC protest this past weekend when he was approached by an officer. The officer demanded to see his photographs and when Talis refused the officer tried to seize his camera, arguing that Tallis 'shouldn't have taken that photo, you were intimidating me'. "The incident lasted just 10 seconds, but you don't expect a police officer to try to pull your camera from your neck," Tallis told BJP. "The police are arresting journalists, seizing their equipment, treating them as suspects, looking at their photographs, taking copies, perhaps returning them to them, taking no further action often (but not always) and they've got, straight away, what they want," solicitor Mike Schwartz of Bindman and Partners told a UK National Union of Journalists conference. "At every demonstration, the police are figuratively scratching their heads as to how they can get hold of your material. That's what they're after." "The police take action, they often get what they want, and allow the lawyers in court to mop up what's happened afterwards. That's one of the trends and areas where there is a real problem: the police arresting journalists and seizing their material in order to use it in prosecutions." An incident captured on camera and uploaded to You Tube proves that some police officers in Britain already think that is is against the law to film them. Film-maker Darren Pollard was clearing up flood debris from his front garden when he noticed the police harassing a youth opposite his house. Darren retrieved his camera and began filming the officers. After noticing Pollard, the officers approached and then tried to claim that it was illegal to film them. After being informed by their superior that it was not illegal to film police, the officers left the scene. Watch the clip below. Meanwhile, in Montreal Canada, Montreal police are asking the city to outlaw bad or insulting language used against police officers, making it illegal for members of the public to call cops profanity-laced nicknames, or lob jeers, such as "pig" and "doughnut-eater." "Chablo said several municipalities across Quebec - including Quebec City - have some variation of a law that prohibits citizens from spewing slurs at police officers," reports the Canadian Press. "There are an awful lot of words that are borderline and it's highly subjective - it's too vague," said Ronald Sklar, a McGill University law professor, said of the police union's proposal. What's next? How long before we have to officially salute or even get down and lick some boots? The vast majority of people respect police officers and the dangerous work they undertake, but when people committing no crimes are being harassed and having their rights taken away while police are being given more rights to crack down on the public, the balance is tipping dangerously away from cops being public servants funded by the taxpayer and more towards them assuming a superior role in society, ruling over the scum with an iron fist.

First Year Party

SUBHEAD: In Hawaii the first birthday really counts.
by Juan Wilson on 1 February 2009
I live in Hanapepe Valley and enjoy the shoreline at Salt Pond Beach Park. It is a county park that hosts lots of local events and parties. It is not a beach that is geared to tourists. That is a blessing for Kauai residents. The following photos were from a typical weekend party at the beach.
Often times, for the big parties, rented inflatable water slides are brought to the park and young folks are treated to some excitement. A child's first birthday celebration is an especially important event, that brings out every relative and friend, I've been at one Salt Pond Beach Park first year birthday party where five generations of women attended.
All photos by Juan Wilson.

Water security is critical

SUBHEAD: The nexus of water, oil and survival planning.
By Ben Sullivan on 1 February 2009 in The Garden Island News
The Garden island, known for its ample rainfall and verdant tropical landscape, is home to the wettest spot on earth. Why then, would we possibly ask our community to focus on our water supply when there are so many other critical energy issues to be addressed?
Volatile electricity costs, a crippled economy, health care, food security, the list goes on. Simply put, in most island homes, our water supply is completely oil dependent. Without petroleum to generate electricity, we simply cannot deliver water to a majority of island residents on Kaua‘i. And we’re not talking about a few small generators and some extension cords here.
To deliver water to Kaua‘i’s residents every year, the county Water Department spends millions of dollars on electricity. And although our state leaders and the energy industry are moving vigorously to mitigate the real potential for oil supply disruptions and continued strain of oil price volatility on our economy, few have asked: What about our water?
In response to this, Apollo Kaua‘i, in conjunction with Malama Kaua‘i and several other community organizations, is initiating a campaign to bring focus to the vulnerability of Kaua‘i’s water supply. What happens to our water supply if there is a sudden and prolonged petroleum shortage on island? What happens to the cost of our water if oil (and with it, electricity) again shoots to new high prices on the global market? Such events are certainly possible and clearly beyond our control. Should we simply do nothing and hope for the best?
Further study of this critical issue reveals what is so often the case: Where there is a problem, there is also an opportunity. Numerous strategies exist that can safely and dramatically reduce our water use and protect our access to Kaua‘i’s ample rainfall. It is time for us to come together and take action to ensure the stability of this vital resource.
A possible beginning — the county might consider appointing a water security coordinator to build a water security task force comprised of interested, knowledgeable community and governmental leaders. This and other suggestions for addressing this issue are what follow.
It is our desire to bring together individuals, community groups, and state and county agencies that play a role in water use and wastewater management. Groups we see as important to this discussion include watershed groups, county wastewater, state Department of Health, Civil Defense representatives, small farmers and food security advocates, and the many other individuals and organizations that see this as a critical issue for our community. Our initial objective is to gather data and share thoughts on various aspects of this problem.
As we see the problem: Reliable, affordable water on Kaua‘i is completely dependent on reliable, affordable electricity. Reliable electricity is completely dependent on a reliable affordable petroleum supply. Petroleum can no longer be considered reliable, and its price will continue to be highly volatile.
Given this reality, the possibility of municipal water supply disruption on Kaua‘i is real and we currently have no control over it. So what can we do? Given the political will, there is much that can be done to mitigate this problem, and with it significant community benefit including economic savings on energy costs, environmental benefits through more sound water and waste management, and more.
Possible solutions
Some mitigation strategies that have the potential to greatly reduce our water demands and/or secure our supply include:
• Promote water catchment and the use of roofing on homes and buildings that allows future occupants to consider water catchment.
• Promote gray water reuse/waterless sanitation and other ecological sanitation options.
• Promote low energy water delivery within the water department, including an emphasis toward gravity fed systems with more, larger storage tanks and less pumping stations. Additional study may go into the potential for increasing storage volumes to allow for the capacity to pump water directly using intermittent renewable sources such as wind and solar.
• Promote energy recovery through the use of in-line hydropower units instead of pressure reducing valves.
Several of the above strategies are well-established in other areas and have successful histories of application. Further, most are allowed under current laws and regulations. However, locally, significant barriers exist for those who are willing to attempt to implement these solutions. Health codes and other regulations, which evolved during times of cheap, stable petroleum supplies, do not take into account the adverse impacts of today’s energy outlook on water use.
One brief local example: A consultant to the county Wastewater Division recently suggested that the county consider shutting off a home’s water supply if the homeowner is delinquent on their sewer bill. This clearly problematic suggestion was made for the legitimate purpose of fiscal responsibility regarding revenues at the county Wastewater Division.
Thankfully, the suggestion was quickly dismissed by the county. However, the fact that such an option was even put on the table points to the new problem set associated with our changing energy paradigm. Should such essential services as water and sewer service only be made available to those who can afford them?
Imagine the implications, both social and from a public health standpoint, of shutting off clean water to someone’s home? In these hard economic times, if such defaults were to become widespread, how would we mitigate the risks? Clearly, this example makes the case that it is time for system change.
Some strategies suggested above, like waterless toilets and other less traditional ecological sanitation options, will require significant educational campaigns to foster greater public acceptance. However, the first task is to rework current policies to actively promote such practices on a wholesale level, and to implement examples of their successful use. As the cost of water and wastewater management rise, people will then have established affordable, viable alternatives to turn to.
This discussion is an attempt to engage a broader group on what we see as a very important issue for our community on Kaua‘i. We hope to join together with the many people on island already engaged in these critical issues of water supply and water security. We acknowledge the complexities of this challenge, but nonetheless feel compelled to proceed to engage in this effort to support the all-important mission put forward by our county Water Department:
“Together, we provide safe, affordable, sufficient drinking water through wise management of our resources and excellent customer service for the people of Kauai.”
Apollo Kaua‘i will be hosting a meeting on water security at 7 p.m., Feb. 19, at the Lihu‘e Neighborhood Center. This is an open meeting and the public is encouraged to attend.
Malama Kaua‘i will be hosting two workshops on rainwater catchment at 5:30 p.m., Friday, at the Mo‘ikeha Room in Lihu‘e and at 5:30 p.m., Thursday, at Common Ground (the old Guava Kai Plantation in Kilauea). The president of American Rainwater Catchment Systems Association will be sharing his valuable mana‘o.
Please visit the events calendar at www.malamakauai.org for more information.

Aloha Africa images

SUBHEAD: Images of the Aloha Africa Performance at Storybook Theatre on January 30th.
Photos by Juan Wilson on 1 February 2009
During the afternoon there was a "sound check" and rehearsal. That is when the daylight photos were shot - January 30th. The nighttime shots were taken during the actual performance. The dancers seemed to melt and sway under the low lighting levels.
This was a very successful gathering at the Storybook Theatre Peace Garden.Over 125 people attended the event, one in the "Da Kine Peace Garden Party" series.
You can follow more of their activities at http://aloha-africa.com

Hawaiian nation marches

SUBHEAD: Images from the recent Reinstated Hawaiian Nation Convention in Honolulu.
By Kekane Pa on 30 January 2009 for Reinstated Hawaiian Nation -
Among the events at the recent convention of the Reinstated Hawaiian Nation (Jan 15-18) was a march in Honolulu, down Kalakaua Avenue, through Waikiki, ending at Kapiolani Park.
Marching on Kalakaua Avenue
Scene along the way in Waikiki
Kauai residents Kekane Pa, and Camera Paik in Kapiolani Park
see also:

Greater Than The Great Depression?

SUBHEAD: We find ourselves adjusting to a new reality as the earth stands still SOURCE: Ken Taylor taylork021@hawaii.rr.com
By Tom Engelhardt on 21 January 2009 in Tom Dispatch The Day the Earth Stood Still On Inauguration Day gazillions of Americans descended on Washington. The rest of us were watching on TV or checking out streaming video on our computers. No one was paying attention to anything else. Every pundit in sight was nattering away all day long, as they will tomorrow and, undoubtedly, the next day about whatever comes to mind until we get bored. And in the morning, when this post is still hanging around in your inbox, you'll be reading your newspaper on… well, you know… the same things: Obama's speech! So many inaugural balls! Etc., etc.
image above: Detail from movie poster for "The Day the Earth Stood Still" 2008 remake
So I'm thinking of this post as a freebie, a way to lay out a little news about the world that no one will notice. And all I can say -- for those of you who aren't reading this anyway, and in the spirit of the clunky 1951 sci-fi classic, The Day the Earth Stood Still -- is: Klaatu barada nikto! Okay, no actual translation of that phrase (to the best of Wikipedia's knowledge) exists. We do know that, when invoked, the three words acted as a kind of "fail-safe" device, essentially disarming the super-robot Gort (which arrived on the Washington Mall by spacecraft with the alien Klaatu). That was no small thing, since Gort was capable not just of melting down tanks but possibly of ending life on this planet. Still, I remain convinced, based on no evidence whatsoever, that the phrase could also mean: "Whew! We're still here!" Though I skipped the recent remake of the film, which bombed (so to speak), I consider this post my remake, though with a slightly altered title: January 20, 2009: The Day the Earth Still Stood. Klaatu barada nikto has, by the way, been called "the most famous phrase ever spoken by an extraterrestrial." After watching the final press conference of George W. Bush, I wonder. Now, whether Bush was the extraterrestrial and Dick Cheney the super (goof-it-up) robot, or vice-versa, is debatable, but whatever the case, let's celebrate the obvious: We're still here, more or less, and they're gone. Dick Cheney to fish and shoot. George W. to think big, big thoughts at his still-to-be-built library. Let's face it, on the day on which Barack Obama has taken the oath of office, that constitutes something of a small miracle. But a nagging question remains: just how small? Or rather, just how large is the disaster? If the Earth still stands, how wobbly is it? In fact, our last president -- in that remarkable final news conference of his ("the ultimate exit interview," he called it) in which he swanned around, did his anti-Sally Fields imitation (you don't like me, right now, you don't like me!), sloshed in self-pity while denouncing self-pity, brimmed with anger, and mugged (while mugging the press) -- even blurted out one genuine, and startling, piece of news. With the Washington press corps being true to itself to the last second of his administration, however, not a soul seemed to notice. Reporters, pundits, and analysts of every sort focused with laser beam predictability on whether the President would admit to his mistakes in Iraq and elsewhere. In the meantime, out of the blue, Bush offered something strikingly new and potentially germane to any assessment of our moment. Here's what he said: "Now, obviously these are very difficult economic times. When people analyze the situation, there will be -- this problem started before my presidency, it obviously took place during my presidency. The question facing a President is not when the problem started, but what did you do about it when you recognized the problem. And I readily concede I chunked aside some of my free market principles when I was told by [my] chief economic advisors that the situation we were facing could be worse than the Great Depression. "So I've told some of my friends who said -- you know, who have taken an ideological position on this issue -- why did you do what you did? I said, well, if you were sitting there and heard that the depression could be greater than the Great Depression, I hope you would act too, which I did. And we've taken extraordinary measures to deal with the frozen credit markets, which have affected the economy." Hold onto those "worse than the Great Depression… greater than the Great Depression" comments for a moment and let's try to give this a little context. Assumedly, our last president was referring to his acceptance of what became his administration's $700 billion bailout package for the financial system, the Emergency Economic Stabilization Act of 2008. He signed that into law in early October. So -- for crude dating purposes -- let's assume that his "chief economic advisors," speaking to him in deepest privacy, told him in perhaps early September that the U.S. was facing a situation that might be "worse than the Great Depression." By then, the Bush administration had long publicly rejected the idea that the country had even entered a recession. As early as February 28, 2008, at a press conference, Bush himself had said: "I don't think we're headed to a recession, but no question we're in a slowdown." In May, his Council of Economic Advisers Chairman Edward Lazear had been no less assertive: "The data are pretty clear that we are not in a recession." At the end of July in a CNBC interview, White House Budget Director Jim Nussle typically reassured the public this way: "I think we have avoided a recession." By late September, the president, now campaigning for Congress to give him his bailout package, was warning that we could otherwise indeed "experience a long and painful recession." But well into October, White House press spokesperson Dana Perino still responded to a question about whether we were in a recession by insisting, "You know I don't think that we know." Lest you imagine that this no-recession verbal minuet was simply a typical administration prevarication operation, for much of the year top newspapers (and the TV news) essentially agreed to agree. While waiting for economic confirmation that the nation's gross national product had dropped in at least two successive quarters, the papers reported increasingly grim economic news using curious circumlocutions to avoid directly calling what was underway a "recession." We were said, as former Fed Chairman Alan Greenspan put it in February, to be at "the edge of a recession," a formulation many reporters picked up, or "near" one, or simply in an "economic slowdown," or an "economic downturn." At the beginning of December, the National Bureau of Economic Research, a private group of leading economists, made "official," as CNN wrote, "what most Americans have already believed about the state of the economy" (no thanks to the press). We were not only officially in a recession, the Bureau announced, but, far more strikingly, had been since December 2007. For at least a year, that is. Suddenly, "recession" was an acceptable media description of our state, without qualifiers (though you can look high and low for a single major paper which then reviewed its economic labeling system, December 2007-December 2008, and questioned its own coverage.) Recession simply became the new norm. Now, as times have gotten even tougher, it's become a commonplace turn of phrase to call what's underway "the worst" or "deepest" economic or financial crisis "since the Great Depression." Recently, a few brave economic souls -- in particular, columnist Paul Krugman of the New York Times -- have begun to use the previously verboten "d" word, or even the "GD" label more directly. As Krugman wrote recently, "Let's not mince words: This looks an awful lot like the beginning of a second Great Depression." But he remains the exception to the public news rule in claiming that, barring the right economic formula from the new Obama administration, we might well find ourselves in a situation as bad as the Great Depression. Now, let's return to our last president's news conference and consider what he claims his "chief economic advisors" told him in private last fall. His statement was, in fact, staggeringly worse than just about anything you can presently read in your newspapers or see on the TV news. What was heading our way, he claimed he was told, might be "worse" or "greater" than the Great Depression itself. Admittedly, John Whitehead, the 86-year-old former chairman of Goldman Sachs, suggested in November that the current economic crisis might turn out to be "worse than the [Great] depression." But on this, he was speaking as something of a public minority of one. Stop for a minute and consider what Bush actually told us. It's a staggering thought. Who even knows what it might mean? In the United States, for example, the unemployment rate in the decade of the Great Depression never fell below 14%. In cities like Chicago and Detroit in the early 1930s, it approached 50%. So, worse than that? And yet in the privacy of the Oval Office, that was evidently a majority view, unbeknownst to the rest of us. It's possible, of course, that Bush's "chief economic advisors" simply came up with a formulation so startling it could wake the dead or make a truly lame-duck president quack. Still, doesn't it make you wonder? What if, a year from now, the same National Bureau of Economic Research announces that, by January 2009, we were already in a depression? I'm only saying that, on the question of just how steadily the Earth now stands, the verdict is out. Recent history, cited above, indicates how possible it is that, on this question, we are in the dark. And one more thing, while we're on the subject of recessions and depressions, what if what's happening isn't, prospectively, the worst since the Great Depression, or as bad as the Great Depression, or even, worse than the Great Depression. What if it's something new? Something without a name or reference point? What then? How do we judge what's still standing in that case? Standing Questions If I were the Obama administration, I might be exceedingly curious about a couple of other "standing" questions right now. Here's one I might ask, for example: Just what kind of a government are the Obamanians really inheriting? When, tomorrow, they settle into the Oval Office -- or its departmental and agency equivalents -- and begin opening all the closets and drawers, what are they going to find that Bush's people have left behind? This is no small matter. After all, they are betting the store on an enormous economic stimulus package -- approximately $550 billion in pump-priming government spending, and another $275 billion in tax cuts of various sorts, according to the present plan in the House of Representatives. All kinds of possibilities are being proposed from daringly experimental renewable energy projects to computerizing health-care records and building a national "smart" electricity grid, not to speak of rebuilding an infrastructure of bridges, roads, levees, and transport systems known to be in a desperate state of disrepair. But what if the federal government slated to organize, channel, and oversee that spending is itself thoroughly demoralized and broken? What then? We know that, after eight catastrophic years, some parts of it are definitely in an advanced state of wear and tear. The Justice Department is a notorious, demoralized wreck. So, infamously, is the Federal Emergency Management Agency. So, for that matter, is the whole Department of Homeland Security, as it has been ever since it was (ill) formed in 2002. So, evidently, is the CIA. Who knows what condition the eviscerated Environmental Protection Agency is in, or the Housing Department, or the Interior Department, or the Treasury Department, or the Energy Department after these years of thoroughgoing politicization in which all those crony capitalist pals of the Bush administration and all those industry lobbyist foxes were let loose among the federal chickens meant to oversee them? In those same years, huge new complexes of interests formed around certain agencies, especially the Department of Homeland Security, and all sorts of government functions were privatized and outsourced, often to crony corporations and often, it seems, expensively and inefficiently. Who knows how well any parts of our government now function? All I'm saying is that it can take months, or even years, to restore an agency in disrepair or a staff in a state of massive demoralization. In the meantime, how effectively will those agencies and departments direct the Obama stimulus package? The manner in which the Treasury Department threw $350 billion down a banking hole in these last frenetic months should certainly give us pause, especially since the banking system has been anything but rescued. In the end, the U.S. government can order up hundreds of billions of dollars, but applying them well may be another matter entirely. What if, that is, the government now supposed to save us isn't itself really standing? What if it, too, needs to be saved? And let's not forget the world out there. If you watched Secretary of State designate Hillary Clinton breeze through her confirmation hearings, she seemed like the wonky picture of confidence, mixing the usual things you say in Washington ("We are not taking any option off the table at all") with promises of new policies. Looking at her, or our other new and recycled custodians of empire, it's easy enough to avoid the obvious thought: that they are about to face a world -- from Latvia to Somalia, Gaza to Afghanistan -- which may be in far greater disarray than we imagine. Only the other day, for instance, in a hardly noticed report, "Joint Operating Environment (JOE 2008)," the U.S. Joint Forces Command on worldwide security threats suggested that "two large and important states bear consideration for a rapid and sudden collapse." One -- Pakistan -- was no surprise, though all sorts of potentially catastrophic scenarios lurk in its nasty brew of potential economic collapse, tribal wars, terrorism, border disputes, and nuclear politics. The other country, however, should make any American sit back and wonder. It's Mexico. Here's the money passage in the report: "The Mexican possibility may seem less likely, but the government, its politicians, police and judicial infrastructure are all under sustained assault and press[ed] by criminal gangs and drug cartels. How that internal conflict turns out over the next several years will have a major impact on the stability of the Mexican state. Any descent by Mexico into chaos would demand an American response based on the serious implications for homeland security alone." Of course, it could just be a matter of part of the U.S. military looking for new arenas of potential expansion, but let's remember that we're no longer in the frightening but strangely orderly Cold War world, nor even on a planet any longer overshadowed by a "lone superpower," the "New Rome." No indeed. Events in Mumbai reminded us of this recently. There, ten trained terrorists armed with the most ordinary of weapons and off-the-shelf high-tech equipment of a sort that could be bought in any mall managed to bring two nuclear-armed superpowers to the edge of conflict. Ten men. Imagine that. We don't know what the world holds for us in the Obama years, but it's not likely to be pretty and some of what's heading our way may not be in any of the familiar playbooks by which we've been operating for the past half century-plus. We don't yet know if whole countries, even whole continents, may collapse in the economic, or environmental, rubble of our twenty-first century moment, or what that would actually mean. I'm no expert on any of this, but on this day of anxious celebration, here's my question: Is the world still standing? Do you know? Really? Does anyone?

Obama’s new bank giveaway

SUBHEAD: It Won't Save the Economy; It May Make the Crisis Worse.
By Dr. Michael Hudson on 30 January 2009 in ISLET
Is this administration’s bank policy Bush-3 – or Clinton-5 or Reagan-8?
After (1) threatening for eight years that the prospect of a trillion-dollar deficit spread over a generation or so is sufficient reason to stiff Social Security recipients and abolish debts to the nation’s retirees, and (2) after the Bush administration provided $8 trillion over the past three months in cash-for-trash swaps of good Treasury bonds for Wall Street junk derivatives, the Obama Administration is now speaking of (3) some $2 to $4 trillion more to be given in just the next week or so.
Not a single Republican Congressman went along, just as Rep. Boehmer refused to support the Bush bailout on that fatal Friday when Mr. McCain and Mr. Obama debated each other over marginal issues not touching on the giveaway, which both candidates passionately supported. The Party of Wealth sees the political handwriting on the wall, for which the Party of Labor seems happy to take all responsibility. And indeed, only the Party of Labor could get away with such a giveaway. At least one hopes that they would have screamed like hell if they were a minority party and the Republicans tried to push through a plan like this. I suppose that the moral is that being in a minority provides an opportunity to grandstand for god policy. If I thought the Republicans were serious rather than merely engaging in rhetorical posturing, I would like to see more “bipartisanship” here. But it all seems to be mere play-acting. The key will be to watch the campaign contributions flow for an index of how well this will pay off for the Democrats and how seriously Wall Street believes the Republican opposition to be!
The upshot is that traditional rhetorical language has been turned inside-out. After spending a lifetime denouncing socialism as inherently unfair, Wall Street is now doing a hideous parody – as if “socialism for the rich” were not an oxymoron in the first place. And the banks certainly are not being “nationalized.” Giving away the largest sum of spendable securities in history without direct managerial power that goes with real ownership is not “nationalization.” Ask Lenin.
As for “socializing the losses,” this is a euphemism for rewarding Wall Street for financially predatory and hence anti-social behavior. Another oxymoron.
The aim is to give away of between $2 and $4 trillion more for an “aggregator bank,” a “bad bank” to buy Wall Street’s junk mortgages and default swaps and thus to rescue banks from negative equity – leaving the government’s “bad bank” with the losses. Presumably, the bad loans will be made way above current market prices (zero, for loans that won’t be paid). How on earth does one “compromise” between “mark to market” (what the market pays for loans and swaps without any value) and the trillions and trillions of dollars that banks have pumped into these bad loans? One would think that an either/or condition such as this wouldn’t lend itself to “compromise.” So it looks like Rep. Dennis Kucinich’s oversight committee is going to have a field day interrogating Treasury officials in years to come over how America created a brand new financial oligarchy. (How many readers of this can say “primitive accumulation”?)
Now that the details of the new, larger but definitely not improved bank have been leaked out in time for Wall Street’s Davos attendees to celebrate, we may ask whether, financially speaking, the Obama Administration should best be thought of as Bush-3 – or indeed, whether it is still on a pro-creditor trend that may better be traced as Clinton-5, or perhaps even Reagan-8. Since 1980 the financial sector has made a sustained money grab at the expense of labor and “taxpayers.” More accurately, it has been a debt grab, on the opposite side of the balance sheet from assets.
Backed by Mr. Summers, Boris Yeltsin’s Harvard Boys transferred trillions of dollars of Russian mineral wealth and public enterprises into the hands of kleptocrats. That was an asset transfer, pure and simple. In 1997, to be sure, the IMF gave Russia a loan that immediately disappeared into the kleptocrats’ bank accounts, to be paid out of subsequent oil-export proceeds. But assets were the name of the game. Today’s U.S. giveaway has a new twist. It is analogous to the “watered stocks” and bonds that railroad magnates and Wall Street emperors of finance gave themselves and their political mouthpieces, simply adding the interest coupons and dividends onto the prices charged the public as if they were real “costs.” Today’s version – “watered Treasury bonds” – are being created on the public sector’s balance sheet. “Taxpayers” must pay bear the interest charges on $2 to $4 trillion of new Treasury bonds printed and swapped for “trash,” that is, bad loans. Paying interest on these new bonds will leave less for the infrastructure investment that Mr. Obama rightly says we need.
The Bush-Obama bailout’s “small print” already has given Wall Street a decade’s tax-free status by letting it count its financial losses against its tax liability. So not only has there been a great fiscal debt giveaway, there has been a tax shift off finance. The fiscal squeeze has forced states and localities to announce plans to sell off roads and airports, land and other public assets to the financial sector in order to cover their looming budget deficits (which localities are not allowed to run under present legislation). No federal funding has been granted to finance the cities as their tax receipts plunge. There has been a token amount to relieve some low-income families saddled with junk mortgages. But this does not involve actually giving them spendable money. Their role is to be trotted out like widows and orphans used to be, as justification to bail out banks for their bad gambles on currency, interest rates and bond derivative gambles. To Wall Street, insolvent debtors in the “real” economy are merely passive vehicles to get a book-credit of mortgage relief that the government will turn over in their name to their bankers to make these institutions whole.
Whole, and then some! In New York, Mr. Cuomo just reported (January 29) that $18.4 billion in Wall Street bonuses, paid for out of the government giveaway. And that’s just for New York State.
This is called “saving the economy.” That is as much an oxymoron as “socializing the losses.” Socializing the losses would mean wiping the mortgages and other bank loans of debtors off the books. These giveaways are to keep the debts on the books – with the government buying them to make the creditors whole. The problem is that a quarter of U.S. real estate has fallen into Negative Equity. Its debts are not being bailed out, but are to be kept on the books. The economy’s “toxic waste” therefore remains. But a matching volume of new waste is being created and given to a few hundred families. No wonder the stock market soared by 200 points on Wednesday, led by bank stocks!
In the seemingly frenetic ten days since Mr. Obama took office, it is beginning to look as if his good political decisions – regarding Guantanamo, Iraq, employee rights to sue for employer wrongdoing – are sugar coating for the giveaway to Wall Street, a quid pro quo to avert opposition from his Democratic Party constituency. To accuse Mr. Obama of a crass giveaway would seem at first glance to contradict the basically decent thrust of his actions so far – or would, if one did not take into account his appointments of Larry Summers at the White House and the conspicuous leadership role in the bailout played by Barney Frank in the House and Chuck Schumer in the Senate. The administration’s solution has been placed in its hands by financial lobbyists – using in part the money that the Treasury has given to Wall Street.
The “solution” is to bail out the banks while leaving the “real” economy even more highly indebted. All this talk about more credit being needed, all this begging of banks to lend more and then extract yet more interest from the economy, leads it even deeper into the debt hole. The Obama administration hopes that the banks will lend it out to Americans. But this would mean that borrowers are to take on yet more debt – enough to start re-inflating house prices and making homes yet more unaffordable, requiring buyers to take on yet larger mortgages. Larger mortgages at rising prices are supposed to help the banks rebuild their balance sheets – to earn enough to compensate for their gambling losses. The problem is that new loans do not help families pay their debts. It loads them down with yet more debt obligations. And homeowners whose mortgages already exceed the market price of their property are not going to be able to borrow more in any case.
Presumably the government will absorb their negative equity – after their own credit ratings are wrecked for life, but not those of the bankers who have made the bad loans. So we are seeing one of the most unfair double standards in history. It will make the economy worse off, because today’s looming depression is caused by debt deflation. Families, businesses and government having to spend more wage income, profits and tax revenues on debt service instead of buying goods and services. So why is the solution to this debt overhead held to be yet more debt? Is there not something crazy here?
How many families would like a “give-back” on every bad investment they’ve ever made? It’s like a parent coming to a child who has just broken a toy, saying “That’s all right. We’ll just go out and buy you a new one.” This from the apostles of “responsibility” for poverty, for mortgage debtors owing more than they can afford to pay, for people who get sick and can’t afford medical care, and for states and cities now left high and dry by the fiscal wipe-out that the Bush-Obama “cleanup” has foisted onto the economy. No do-over for anyone but the hundreds of billionaires who have just been endowed with enough free money to become America’s ruling elite for the rest of the 21st century. (The Internal Revenue Service just announced that the wealthiest 400 families earned over $150 million each last year, on which they paid an average 17% tax rate.)
There is a simple way to think about what has happened – and why it won’t help the economy, but will hurt it. Suppose the new $4 trillion “bad bank” works. The government shell will give away Treasury bonds for bad bank loans and derivatives gambles, without the government “marking to market” on the prices it pays. So much for the pretense that giving Wall Street credit is “free market” policy. The alternative to “free markets” (that is, markets free for predatory lending and a predatory tax shift off finance and property) does not turn out to be “socialism” at all, even “socialism for the rich.” It is naked kleptocracy, an oligarchic “primitive accumulation” akin to William the Conqueror’s seizure of the English Commons except that it is done by insider dealing rather than by overt military force as for instance had to be applied in Chile for Gen. Pinochet’s “labor capitalism” giveaway to the Chicago Boys.
The tragedy of all this is that it would take only $1 trillion or so to solve the bad-loan problem fro the homeowner’s side of the balance sheet. Or, the government could simply to let “the market” work its magic and wipe out the bad loans – and the bad debts that are their counterpart. This could best be done in the context of renewed debtor-oriented bankruptcy laws. But that obviously is not what the government aims to solve. It simply wants to make creditors whole – creditors who are, after all, the largest political campaign contributors and lobbyists these days.
When families owe debts they cannot pay, they are now liable for life. When banks make bad loans, bad bets on derivative insurance or owe money to winners to these trades beyond their ability to pay, they merely do what A.I.G., Citibank and Countrywide/Bank of America have done – turn their losses over to the government’s “bad bank.”
There can be no thought that banks are being “nationalized” (much less “socialized”) as long as the pro-creditor bankruptcy law for which the credit-card banks lobbied so hard is kept on the books. That should be the litmus test for all this.
The present economic crisis is that it was not necessary technologically, politically or fiscally. Governments at the state, local and federal levels are strapped for funds – but only because the natural source of taxation, land rent and monopoly rent and the user fees from public enterprise have been financialized. Back in 1930, property taxes financed three-quarters of state and local budgets. Today they supply only about a sixth. This shrinkage has not been passed on to homeowners and renters or commercial users. Prices for homes and office buildings are set by the marketplace. The property price inflation has been fueled by junk-mortgage credit, with the rising rental value pledged to bankers as mortgage interest. The financial sector thus has replaced government as recipient of the economic surplus – leaving the public sector starved of cash. Populist “anti-tax” campaigns thus end up serving the mortgage bankers. The home owners serve only as passive vehicles by which the financial sector ends up with money previously destined for the public tax collector.
The financial sector also has replaced the government as economic planner. The legal monopoly of credit creation turns out to have given Wall Street the key to resource allocation.
It didn’t have to be this way. Bank credit is created freely. Governments could create it as simply on the computer keyboard as banks do it. The U.S. Treasury did thus during America’s Civil War when it issued greenback credit. That experience inspired half a century of bank efforts at public relations to accuse governments of being reckless. Only private banks, it was claimed, could issue prudent and responsible credit.
Now that that myth has been broken for good, isn’t it time to think about the alternative financial and fiscal policy that this myth was crafted to exclude from polite discussion? We don’t need a “bad bank.” We already have many on Wall Street – and they should be transformed with a new set of lending and investment rules, not restored in a way that will let them earn yet more tax-free gains by loading the economy down with yet more debt.
We don’t need the junk economics that led the banking system to create junk mortgages and the junk mathematics that Wall Street used to create junk “credit default swaps” and other derivatives that have now gone bad. These ARE bad – and shouldn’t be shifted onto the “good” government balance sheet.

The Big Stimulus

SUBHEAD: Reducing military budget would be a real economic stimulus. 
  By Justin Raimondo on 30 January 2009 in Antiwar.com
The talk is all of stimuli and other matters economic – how do we re-inflate the balloon of American prosperity? Reality has taken a hat-pin to it, and trillions have gone up in the smoke of foreclosed mortgages and credit-default swaps.
Panaceas are not lacking. Paul Krugman says it doesn't matter what we spend our money on, as long as we throw it away rapidly and without forethought. I have no doubt that soon we'll be hearing the ghost of Huey Long promising "Every man a king!" I fully expect the Townsend Plan to come back at some point, along, perhaps, with a revival of interest in pre-Leninist forms of Marxism.
image above: "Homeland" 2001 oil on panel (32x44) by Mark Bryan at http://www.artofmarkbryan.com/homeland.html
Along these lines, President Obama and his party have come up with a "stimulus package," and I must pause to remark how important language is to these people. It's a "package," you see, just like a Christmas gift, only better, because they, the politicians, get to play Santa Claus and shower their constituents with presents. This legislative larceny is predicated on the oddly counterintuitive notion that we can and should spend our way out of poverty – that the sins of our profligacy can be forgiven if only we indulge in yet more ravenous forms of gluttony.
To ordinary Americans, this kind of Washington-think is wholly alien: it is Bizarro economics. After all, when normal human beings are in financial trouble they cut back on their spending, as they are doing now. The American polity, in its younger days, would naturally apply the same logic to government, but, in our dotage, we impart magical powers to the organs of the state, which can produce wealth out of thin air, with only the aid of a printing press. Oh, yes, we understand – albeit vaguely – that this is debt for future generations to pay. Yet we recall – even more vaguely – old bromides like "We owe it to ourselves," which are embedded in our collective memory like flies in amber, and we are reassured.
Putting aside Bizarro economics, for now, and my wholesale rejection of same, there is one way we can stimulate the economy with a mighty injection of cash into the hands of one and all. No, not another government subsidy, but the cutting of the single largest federal expenditure down to a manageable size: the U.S. military budget.
Larger than all the other "defense" budgets in the world combined, this unimaginable sum is not even known, for sure, but of one thing we can be certain: the hidden costs are much more than anyone suspects. Covert "black operations" are run on an off-the-books budget that we peons are not entitled to see.
Consuming nearly half of all government spending, the military budget maintains an overseas empire unrivaled in the history of the world. The U.S. operates a network of bases in dozens of countries, on every continent. The Pentagon is the biggest landowner on earth. This is not only tremendously expensive, but also completely unnecessary and even harmful to our national interests.
Why, for example, do we need bases in Germany, of all places? They are there on account of a war fought a generation ago, and they stayed because of a perceived threat from the Soviets that vanished into history along with Stalin's ghost.
The hidden costs of empire are not limited to the CIA's secret slush funds – a much greater proportion of this sum amounts to invisible yet all too real opportunity costs, lost avenues of investment that were, instead, diverted to the military-industrial complex. Militarism distorts not only the economy, but also the progress of science, which is channeled in directions that are wholly destructive, rather than productive. Yes, it's true that military applications have often spun off useful byproducts, but if the original aim and intent of scientific research were directly applied to productive and pacific civilian projects, it 's reasonable to expect the results would have been far more fruitful.
The reason for the huge outlay in military expenditures has nothing to do with America's national security: after all, we don't even inspect all the cargo coming into our ports. How concerned with real security are we, anyway? Not very. What matters, in this game, is the financial security of certain economic interests, as well as the ideological agendas of pressure groups within U.S. society.
The Pentagon establishment wants to start building a new generation of nuclear weapons, over some opposition in the Obama administration. That these weapons only add to the danger of global annihilation, and therefore reduce our security, is irrelevant: what matters is that a powerful political constituency exists for the pattern of our military spending, with a very organized and well-funded lobby to continually push for bigger, better, and progressively more expensive weaponry.
In making a point about how a complete fraud like Mikheil Saakashvili, the despotic president of Georgia, managed to make such headway in Washington circles, Professor Stephen Walt trenchantly observes:
"The United States has a uniquely permeable political system. If a foreign diplomat can't persuade the State Department, Treasury, or Defense, there are 435 congressmen and 100 different senators for them to go to work on. As Ken Silverstein shows in his fascinating and funny book Turkmeniscam, there are also a host of lobbying and PR firms who are happy to help foreign governments sell their story here too."
This permeability is even more conducive to domestic lobbies, such as those deployed by the arms manufacturers and the ancillary industries that piggyback on America's overseas presence. A good example is Halliburton and its offshoots, which provide all the comforts of home to our centurions at the far frontiers of the empire. Add to this corporate factor the foreign lobbyists and their domestic fellow travelers, and you have the broad outlines of the War Party's political coalition, the means by which they retain their iron grip on policymaking.
Up against this colossus stands – what? Or, rather, whom?
Well, it's just you and me, folks, and a few other scattered, badly disorganized and under-funded peace groups. And that's it. There's no pro-peace lobbying organization with any heft, and certainly not with any funding. The anti-interventionist blogger Professor Juan Cole recently noted this vital lack, and he's absolutely right when he says:
"The reason AIPAC and its constituencies among the Evangelicals and American Likudniks has been so successful is that there is virtually no countervailing political force. Madison and other Founding Fathers set up the U.S., as Ian Lustick has argued, on the assumption that on most important issues there would be opposing factions who would check each other in the legislature. The drawback of their system is that when there is only one effective faction on an issue, it completely dominates politically. Madison's system worked to prolong the heyday of Big Tobacco far beyond what was reasonable. Anti-smoking campaigners who knew that smoking kills you dead could not make headway with Congress because the tobacco-growing and cigarette industries would counter-lobby.
"But on some issues there is no one on the other side of it to lobby and threaten congressmen. Thus, there was not much percentage until recently in pushing for an end to the boycott on Communist Cuba, since the Florida Cuba lobby would punish you politically and virtually no one would reward you."
Putting aside the choice of "Big Tobacco" – as a libertarian, and a smoker, I say leave them the heck alone – Professor Cole is quite correct: there is virtually no opposition to the War Party in the halls of government. The enemies of peace are organized, they coordinate their efforts, and they have plenty of money to throw around. The peacemakers, on the other hand, are disorganized, divided, and poor. This imbalance is what – more than any other single factor – has given the War Party so many victories in recent years. We will not defeat them until we out-organize them on the ground. The potential is there, but it is – so far – tragically unrecognized.
Such a Peace Lobby, if you will, would seize this moment in our history, when there really is a good chance that a mass movement to cut the "defense" budget could get off the ground. By arguing for a "peace stimulus," one that would allow bigger tax cuts for all and put more money in the hands of oppressed taxpayers, the organizers of such a campaign could make a larger point: that an empire is bad economics, as well as bad foreign policy.
You want a "stimulus"? Forget all those condoms and start cutting back the Pentagon. We could cut our military budget by 30 percent without even feeling it, although I would suggest a 50 percent reduction – to start.
Sound radical? Well, as Ron Paul remarked more than once, you'd be surprised how much of our military expenditures amount to maintaining our overseas empire and really have nothing to do with the defense of the continental United States. Get rid of the empire, and we can finance the rebuilding of the American economy – or, at the very least, our decayed infrastructure – several times over.